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The CEM in Retrospect
The
Chinese Educational Mission to the United
States was a government-financed experiment
in overseas education unprecedented in
the history of China. Although
it was undertaken as a tool for national
renewal, the Government abandoned the
project and recalled the students long
before it had a chance to yield its intended
benefits. In the earlier chapter "Termination
and Recall," some probable causes
for its demise were examined. What
follows is a critical review of some
key questions regarding the CEM's goals
and their implementation, the effectiveness
of the Mission as a whole and its larger
historical implications.
The
principal goal of the Educational Mission
was to train youth of ability in Western
technical and military expertise in order
to lead China's efforts in repelling
Western aggression. Had the Mission
not been prematurely terminated but allowed
to run its full course of 15 years for
each of the four Detachments, would it
have achieved this goal? Judging
by the trends in college enrollment at
the close of the CEM, this was by no
means assured. As noted in the
chapter "College Years," by
1881 only about 25 of the 52 college
students were enrolled in technical courses,
while the greater majority entered the "academic" stream,
taking liberal arts courses, including
the Classics. Whether this lopsided
ratio would have continued in later years
for the younger CEM students is beyond
our reckoning since the project was abandoned
prematurely. Because few of them
had acquired any practical skills in
America by 1881, after the students were
recalled to China, Li Hongzhang soon
set about reversing this trend. Keenly
aware of the country's urgent needs,
he assigned the majority of the returned
students to naval shipyards, telegraphy
schools, mining operations, arsenals
and machine shops for practical training. Soon
after their arrival in Shanghai, Yung
Wing tried to persuade the authorities
to allow those whose college education
had been cut short to return to America
to finish their degree courses on government
support. That Yung's last-ditch
appeal was rejected probably signalled
the Government's view that China's immediate
needs were best served by sending the
youths to technical training and not
to academic institutions.
Government's Aims
This
gap between the stated goal of the Educational
Mission and what the CEM had actually
achieved by the time of its termination
has seldom been discussed. Much
more attention has been paid to the personal
and cultural conflicts between Yung Wing
and his senior Commissioners Chen Lanbin
and Wu Zideng, and also between these
two cultural conservatives and the Americanized
students. Yet the two issues are
related, for the common source of both
disparities lay in the different philosophies
and political goals of Yung Wing and
the proponents of "Self-strengthening" (ziqiang 自强). These
officials, including Zeng Guofan, Li
Hongzhang and Ding Richang 丁日昌, who promoted
Yung's educational scheme, considered "barbarian
learning" merely as a necessary
tool that could enable the country to
resist the "barbarians" and
revive the traditional Confucian China,
now brought to its knees by foreign domination.1 Convinced
of China's inherent cultural superiority,
they were interested only in mastering
the technology of the West, not in studying
or emulating its cultural and philosophical
aspects. Their
efforts during the 1860s to hire
foreign experts to teach Western languages,
translation and technical subjects to
small numbers of students at the Multilingual
Institute, Tong
Wen Guan 同文館 and other technical
schools had little success. When
Yung Wing initially took employment
under Zeng Guofan, he successfully
purchased machinery for Zeng and convinced
him to set up a machine shop near Shanghai
to manufacture other machines, which
greatly impressed the Governor-General
and earned Yung his trust. Hence,
when presented with Yung's educational
proposal, Zeng and Li readily endorsed
it, on the assumption that as Yung
was personally familiar with American
education and technical experts, his
plan would offer a more thorough and
effective way of achieving their specific
and practical purposes of "self-strengthening."
Yung Wing's Vision
However,
Yung Wing himself had drunk deeply of
Western culture. His mentality
was profoundly influenced by his childhood
missionary schooling and later American
education; he socialized with Westerners
on an equal footing ― even to the extent
of marrying an American woman in 1875. From
the outset Yung had clashed with Chen
Lanbin over the issue of the students'
cultural assimilation and had largely
prevailed. After Wu Zideng's appointment
as Commissioner in late 1879, he faulted
Yung for not ensuring that the students
apply themselves to their Chinese studies. Though
denied by some of the students, Wu's
charges appeared to be corroborated by
his predecessor as Commissioner, Rong
Zengxiang 容增祥, who in 1880 after his
tour of duty called upon Li Hongzhang
in person, alleging that the students
had neglected their Chinese studies. He
ascribed this to Yung Wing's firm opinion
that they should not "spend too
much time on Chinese learning."2
Nonetheless, the validity of these accusations
and rebuttals remains uncertain.
Moreover,
with regard to the educational goals
of the CEM, Yung's own vision always
seemed more broadly liberal than the
official one. This can be seen
in the language he used to define his
lifelong ambition: "I was determined
that the rising generation of China should
enjoy the same educational advantages
that I had enjoyed; that through western
education China might be regenerated,
become enlightened and powerful."3 Read
in the context of his whole life and
career, there is little doubt that the
terms "western education," "regenerated" and "enlightened" carried
more profound meaning for him than simply
learning and exploiting Western technology. He
undoubtedly saw the urgent need to acquire
Western technology to build up China's
capacity for self-defence and to develop
its economy along modern lines, but Yung
Wing cherished a larger dream, of which
the Educational Mission appears to have
been merely a first installment. He
longed for a greater intellectual transformation
of the country which would come through
embracing the West's scientific outlook
and its egalitarian social values. That
is why even in his old age, he worked
for a more progressive China by supporting
the reform movement of 1898, and putting
his life in danger when the movement
was overturned by the Empress Dowager's
coup d'état.
As
for military training, of course the
failure of the CEM to gain admittance
for its students to West Point and
the Annapolis Naval Academy cannot be
laid at Yung Wing's door. But whether
he actively encouraged sufficient
numbers of them to enter technical
institutes is a question impossible to
answer based on currently available information. Given
his broader objective to expose the
students to American culture and to instill
in them a Western mentality, perhaps
Yung Wing was not too concerned about
the priority of technical over academic
training. However,
in fairness to him, it was ultimately
the responsibility of the Commissioner
and the Government officials at home
to ensure that the CEM was on track
to fulfill its original mandate.
Cultural Impact on "Boy
Students"
The
students' alleged neglect of their
Chinese studies and their high degree
of Westernization are generally agreed
to be among the chief causes of the
CEM's closure. However, it is possible
to argue that the inherent contradictions
between Yung's vision for the students
and the Government's own expectations
would sooner or later have undermined
the ambitious experiment. In
a way, both parties used the CEM as
a vehicle for advancing their own objectives
and this divergence of vision was bound
to result in general frustration. The
students, who had been flourishing
under Yung's agenda of freer personal
development but smarted from the heavy
hand of the authoritarian Commissioner
Wu, thus found themselves the innocent
pawns in the middle, caught up in the
clash of cultures. For
their part, the Chinese officials had
failed to anticipate the cultural impact
that a foreign education would have
upon the impressionable minds and personalities
of youths sent abroad at such a young
age. Furthermore the impact of
their schooling was greatly reinforced
through Yung's scheme of lodging them
in American homes, where the boys effortlessly
absorbed American customs and values
in all facets of their daily lives. Admittedly,
the officials sought to counteract
the effect of Western influence by
requiring the boys to study Chinese
classical texts, to observe Confucian
etiquette and to learn certain Court
protocols, but these requirements were
clearly inadequate and, indeed, provoked
negative reactions among the youths. As
for Yung Wing, his attitude towards
maintaining the boys' training in the
Chinese language and culture is a contentious
issue about which it is difficult to
have a clear picture. Yet in
the end, since the returned students
were expected to serve in government
posts where proficiency in Chinese
language and culture was essential,
the CEM's provision for Chinese instruction
proved to be of great value to those
who later entered government departments
or worked under various Mandarins.
Besides
the CEM, several other educational missions
were sent to Europe by the Qing Government
between the 1870s and 1890s. It
is instructive to compare the CEM model
with these other models for acquiring
Western technological skills. In
1877 the first group of the top thirty
students from the Fuzhou Naval Academy
was sent to Europe with government support
for a minimum of three years of advanced
study. They were variously allocated
to England and France where some students
majored in naval science and technology
while others branched out into chemistry,
mining and even law and politics. Later
contingents of Fuzhou cadets went to
Europe in 1882, 1886 and 1897 under this
arrangement for three-year or six-year
terms of study. With an average
age of around 20, these cadets already
possessed a good grasp of their fields
of study and some knowledge of a foreign
language. Their greater maturity,
coupled with much shorter periods abroad,
freed them from the kinds of cultural
problems that afflicted the CEM students.4 Nevertheless
it is worth noting that upon their return
to China, many of them were undervalued
and underemployed by the Government ―
a fate similar to that encountered by
the CEM alumni in their early careers.5
Cross-cultural Interaction
Apart
from its educational aspects the Mission
is equally significant as a highly successful
experiment in intercultural encounter
which was unparalleled for both countries
up to that point in time. Through
their daily interactions with Americans
in their schools, towns and adoptive
homes and churches, Yung Wing's "boys" were
quickly transformed by their experiences
and most of them became integrated with
their local communities. A great
number formed lasting friendships with
their classmates and host families, maintaining
those relationships via letters and exchanges
of gifts and greetings across the miles
that separated them after their recall
to China. This perhaps represented
the first time that such numbers of ordinary
Chinese and Westerners had formed close
personal relationships of this kind. On
the other side, as Chris Robyn has documented
extensively,6
the New England towns and villages embraced
their Chinese guests with remarkable
openness and generosity, bridging the
vast gulf between the two races and cultures. These
Americans undoubtedly gained a new understanding
and respect for Chinese culture as a
result of interacting with the bright,
courteous and industrious young men living
among them. Even long after their
school days, the local press periodically
followed their careers and reported about
their return visits to New England with
much pride and proprietary interest. Although
this was never one of its aims, the Chinese
Educational Mission had in fact set a
precedent in cultural exchange between
China and the United States.
Mission Accomplished?
The
Government's initial half-hearted utilization
of the foreign-educated students brings
up the question often asked: "Was
the Chinese Educational Mission a failure?" The
answer depends of course on how success
and failure are measured. Technically,
the Mission failed to complete its
term of 15 years and ended on a sour
note; the students returned home in
disgrace with their government and
under a cloud of reproach from their
critics. However,
the picture looks very different when
the students' overall academic performance
while in the U.S. and also their accomplishments
some years after the termination of
the CEM are taken into account. Judging
by the large number of those who gained
admittance to the best colleges in
America, these young scholars were
highly successful ― albeit in ways
often diverging from the Government's
original aims. As
for their career achievements, no fewer
than 89 alumni entered government service
and served with credit in most appointments
and with distinction in many positions. From
their midst came the pioneers in China's
foreign diplomatic corps and in the
telegraph and mining industries, the
first Chinese to author an English-language
book published in America, China's
first railway engineer and builder,
the first principal of its earliest
Western-style college, and the Chinese
Republic's first Premier… just to cite
several salient examples of the students'
contributions to their country. Given
the extremely broad scope of these
achievements, it is questionable if
the narrow focus on technical training,
as originally conceived by Zeng Guofan
and Li Hongzhang, could have nurtured
the abilities required to meet such
diverse challenges. The
irony is that, despite the untimely
end of the CEM, when viewed from the
standpoint of its alumni's accomplishments,
Yung Wing's faith in the value of an
excellent Western liberal education
seems to have been vindicated. To
be sure, the students underwent further
technical training in different fields
after their return but, arguably, it
was their solid grounding in American
secondary and higher education that
gave them the capacity to quickly acquire
new skills and solve new problems in
the specialized vocations that they
were called upon by their government
to follow. Their overall success
in later years could partly be attributed
to their exposure to other languages
and perspectives during the formative
period of their lives.
There
are still further historical ironies
at play. The Government that
had relegated the discredited students
to low-level jobs upon their recall
in 1881 later came to rely heavily
on their services in a great variety
of ways, when China's sovereignty came
under the gravest threat from foreign
powers. When their
country needed men with acumen, initiative
and a capacity to deal with the modern
world, they rose to the challenge. In
hindsight it could be argued that the
CEM proved to be one of the wisest
ventures undertaken by the Qing regime
in terms of the return on its investment
of resources in sustaining the Mission
while it lasted. The
CEM was of course only one of many
piecemeal attempts at modernization
in late 19th century China; yet the
returned alumni who effectively filled
many important government positions
for the next thirty years probably
made a significant difference. Admittedly,
Yung Wing's original dream that it
might prove to be a key instrument
by which "China
might be regenerated, become enlightened
and powerful" fell short of becoming
a reality. Indeed, it is poignantly
ironic that, while most of his "spiritual
children" faithfully kept their
part of the CEM bargain in serving
their Emperor until the end of the
dynasty, Yung himself gave up further
hope in the possibility of the regime's
true regeneration and threw his support
behind Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary
cause. From
this perspective it is tempting to
speculate whether the regime could
have lingered on as long as it did
until its final demise in 1911, had
it not been for the capable and loyal
support of Yung Wing's American-educated "boys."
B.A.C.
NOTES
1. Cf. Leung
(1988a), 399-400.
2. Letter from Li Hongzhang to
Chen Lanbin, 10 May, 1880, quoted in
Hung (1955), 67.
3. Yung
Wing (1909; 2000), 41.
4. Cambridge
(1978), 541.
5. Shi
(2000), 177-179.
6. Robyn
(1996), passim.
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